“The 'assured results of modern scholarship' as to the way in which an old book was written, are 'assured', we may conclude, only because the men who know the facts are dead and can't blow the gaff.”(CS Lewis:Modern Theology and Biblical Criticism in “Fern Seed and Elephants”)
In my former response to Dr. David Handy, I argued that the terminological criterion by which those who follow the Documentary Hypothesis distinguish the four “sources” of the Pentateuch JEPD, does not produce reasonable results.
Documentarians make an unfounded leap from the recognition of different names for God, places, and people to the existence of entirely separate authors and documents. They fail to recognize: that single authors can and often do use a variety of terms for the same objects, people, and places over time; that over the long history of manuscript transmission copyists no doubt “updated” certain place names for the benefit of their contemporaries; that the wide variations in the use of key terminology (such as Yahweh and Elohim) between the Masoretic manuscripts and the Septuagint make it difficult if not impossible to identify terminological variations definitively; that the two “names of God” consistently vary in keeping with the narrative context and genre in which they are used pointing to an intended and purposeful alternation from Yahweh to Elohim, not two separate divergent source documents; and finally that the “proper name” of God is not what is meant when a Hebrew speaks of knowing “the name of God.”
Now we turn to
David's section on literary style. He rightly admits that this is perhaps the weakest criterion but suggests that the Literary differences between the four documents remain “very discernible nonetheless.”
“II. LITERARY STYLE. This is more subjective and harder to quantify, but very discernible nonetheless. J and E are very similar actually in style as old epic narrative sources, but both are very different in character from D, and all three of them are clearly very different from P.”
One of the most evident weaknesses of the “literary style” criterion is the propensity of source critics to leap on any stylistic change in a given text as evidence of a different writer. This weakness has been illustrated by a number of “source critical analyses” posted at Stand Firm. Below, for example, is a source critical analysis of an Integrity Press Release
I wrote in 2006:
The Integrity press release (PDF) regarding the two non-celibate homosexual nominees for bishop of California published yesterday is either a wonderful example of willed intellectual schizophrenia or, more likely, the later redaction of two distinct sources.
The first source, the “fundamentalist” source, or “F”, provides a limited commentary on the canons of the Episcopal Church utilizing a rigid literalist hermeneutic that bespeaks a rather primitive, unscientific worldview. Take this passage:
As it has in the past, Integrity expects General Convention to follow canonical procedures to the letter-giving consent to the bishop-elect if there is no justifiable impediment to his/her consecration. The canons clearly state that, “No one shall be denied rights, status or access to an equal place in the life, worship, and governance of this Church because of race, color, ethnic origin, national origin, marital status, sex, sexual orientation, disabilities or age.
Notice that “F” suggests applying the canon in question according to “the letter.” Why no attention to context or metaphor? The “F” source seems utterly unconcerned with nuance or historical setting. What was going on in the canonist’s community when this canon was written? Do we really know the mind of the author or the struggles within her social context?
To the modern reader, familiar with contemporary hermeneutical principles, the canon itself reads like a polemic of some sort directed toward the canonist’s rivals. It seems to have much more to do with the social dynamics and struggles within the specific context of the canonist’s particular people group than those facing the Church today. Of course, contemporary readers also know that the task of interpretation is more like that of a conversation. The reader brings her truth to the truth contained in the text and somewhere, in the reconciling tension between two truths, a new deeper truth emerges. But the “F” source seems to have no inkling of modern interpretive techniques.
Moreover, the “F” source’s mechanistic understanding of human behavior betrays a deep pre-modern ignorance of human psychology. The document reads as if there is no space for the human will between “orientation” and behavior. For “F”, if a non-celibate candidate were to be rejected on the basis of his or her homosexual behavior, it would be the same as a rejection based on his or her sexual orientation. A person’s sexual behavior is, according to this document, utterly determined. Such an unsophisticated assumption indicates a pre-critical understanding of the human mind.
And yet the document is not dominated by the “F” source. In the second half of the document, the redactor seems to have found a post-modern source. We’ll refer to this source as “P”.
“P” displays the characteristic postmodern proclivity for deconstruction. Take, for example the following passage:
…it must be remembered that the Windsor Report is a set of recommendations with no binding authority.
There are actually two options here. “P” was either written before the Windsor Report (WR) was received and approved by the primates, the Archbishop of Canterbury and the ACC, at a time when indeed it was simply a list of recommendations, or it was written afterwards. In which case, it is simply one more example of the postmodern ability to create pluralities out of absolutes. Since “P” is embedded inextricably within a section of the document that deals with the current nominees, I tend to favor the second option.
“P” knows that the Episcopal Church could in fact be suspended and ultimately expelled from the Anglican Communion if it chooses not to comply with the WR as received and approved by the primates.
But “P” chooses to obscure that that truth by substituting an unrelated truth: the WR does not “bind” the Episcopal Church to any course of action. This is true. But it is also irrelevant. The Episcopal Church can, clearly, choose to proceed with absolute, unfettered, freedom, but the result of ECUSA’s unfettered choice could be expulsion.
In all, the redactor has done a creative if incomplete job of bringing together two inherently contradictory sources. I suspect that later redactors will attempt a fuller and smoother integration of “F” and “P” but this manuscript provides crucial insight into the process of modern revisionist redaction and for that all historical/critical students of IntegrityUSA are rightly grateful.
Here is Sarah Hey's use of the "Literary Style" criterion to identify
several distinct source documents in JRR Tolkien's “Lord of the Rings”
And, finally, toward the end of the now infamous “inerrancy thread” of over 407 posts I conducted
a source critical analysis of David Handy's texts, and discovered at least three distinct sources: the N source, the R source and the A source. Read it all here.
It is, as those less than serious examples show, not at all difficult to subject the work of any single contemporary writer to a “literary” analysis and discover a multitude of “sources”.
The fact is that human authors are not univocal. They speak and write in a wide variety of styles depending upon the purpose for which they communicate, the genre they employ, the time and place in which they take up the task and the audience addressed. That means that a document written by one author in one place, time, and circumstance may carry a radically different “voice” or style than a second document written by the same author in a different place, time, and circumstance. Alister McGrath's academic papers written as a molecular biophysicist will likely not bear many similarities to his books written as a theologian. His college term papers may not resemble his professorial lectures. His letters home may not resemble his sermons.
In the same way, Moses transmitting the law may not resemble Moses preaching the law. Moses recording the history of the patriarchs may not resemble Moses recording the events of his own day. Moses describing the furniture of the Tabernacle may not resemble Moses meeting God at the burning bush. And yet despite these differences, there is no reason to suppose that the author is anyone but the very Moses to whom Christ, the apostles, and the Pentateuch ascribed authorship.
Attempting to second guess the authorship of an ancient document on the basis of perceived literary style differences is a fruitless and probably vain endeavor, as Dr. Handy demonstrates below:
OK, moving on to my second type of evidence noted above, i.e., significant differences in LITERARY STYLE among the four main sources of the Pentateuch. As I’ve already confessed, this is more subjective than the lexical data above, but it’s still quite striking and even beginners in serious Bible study can notice these things.
For now, let’s just look at the stark differences in style between P and D, and how radically both differ from the older epic sources, J and E. I admit that it’s hard to tell the latter two apart stylistically. But that again, is why I keep emphasizing that this is a cumulative argument built on multiple converging lines of evidence.
All you have to do is to compare any 2 or 3 chapters of Leviticus (P) with any 2 or 3 of the first 11 chapters of Deuteronomy (D). The differences are glaringly obvious. There are lots of ways of describing it, I suppose, but here are a few. Leviticus, or P, is quite dry and technical and precise in its specification of the details of the ritual law. Whereas Deuteronomy 1-11 is noticeably different, much more homiletical, if you will, or hortatory. It’s highly repetitious and verbose in piling up rhetorical phrases that are essentially synonymous. There is lots of exhortation to “love” YHWH in D, to “obey” him and “cling” faithfully to him, and so on. One way to put it is that P is very much a left-brain, logical style of writing, whereas D is much of an intuitive, right-brain, more emotional style of writing. In P, it’s assumed that it’s enough just to spell out exactly what the law requires. In D, there is obviously great concern to motivate the people to obey God’s commands, his “statutes and ordinances.” P takes such obedience for granted.
One characteristic of those who argue for the DH that you might notice already NRA's argument is the tendency to ignore the obvious, simple, explanation offered in the text itself in favor of a, frankly, tortured one that fits the documentary hypothesis. There is a reason that Deuteronomy 1-11 is “much more homiletical, if you will hortorary...”--an explanation contained in the text itself (Deut 1:1-4). Deuteronomy 1-11 seems much more homiletical because it is, in fact, a homily. Deuteronomy is Moses' farewell “sermon” to his people and features Moses' recitation of important laws and his exhortations to follow them. Here's the introduction to the text:
..These are the words that Moses spoke to all Israel beyond the Jordan in the wilderness, in the Arabah opposite Suph, between Paran and Tophel, Laban, Hazeroth, and Dizahab. 2 It is eleven days' journey from Horeb by the way of Mount Seir to Kadesh-barnea. 3 In the fortieth year, on the first day of the eleventh month, Moses spoke to the people of Israel according to all that the Lord had given him in commandment to them, 4 after he had defeated Sihon the king of the Amorites, who lived in Heshbon, and Og the king of Bashan, who lived in Ashtaroth and in Edrei. 5 Beyond the Jordan, in the land of Moab, Moses undertook to explain this law, saying, 6 “The Lord our God said to us in Horeb, ‘You have stayed long enough at this mountain. 7 Turn and take your journey, and go to the hill country of the Amorites and to all their neighbors in the Arabah, in the hill country and in the lowland and in the Negeb and by the seacoast, the land of the Canaanites, and Lebanon, as far as the great river, the river Euphrates. 8 See, I have set the land before you. Go in and take possession of the land that the Lord swore to your fathers, to Abraham, to Isaac, and to Jacob, to give to them and to their offspring after them.’
And then Moses proceeds to recount the record of the people's disobedience, remind the people of the divine law they had received and exhort them to love and obey God. Here is the conclusion of the section NRA identified as oddly homiletical:
26 “See, I am setting before you today a blessing and a curse: 27 the blessing, if you obey the commandments of the Lord your God, which I command you today, 28 and the curse, if you do not obey the commandments of the Lord your God, but turn aside from the way that I am commanding you today, to go after other gods that you have not known. 29 And when the Lord your God brings you into the land that you are entering to take possession of it, you shall set the blessing on Mount Gerizim and the curse on Mount Ebal. 30 Are they not beyond the Jordan, west of the road, toward the going down of the sun, in the land of the Canaanites who live in the Arabah, opposite Gilgal, beside the oak of Moreh? 31 For you are to cross over the Jordan to go in to take possession of the land that the Lord your God is giving you. And when you possess it and live in it, 32 you shall be careful to do all the statutes and the rules that I am setting before you today. (11:26-32)
“Homiletical” indeed. That'll preach.
And the reason it will preach is precisely because it is a sermon.
DH theorists, as I noted in my first response, however, not only deny that Moses is the author of this text but assert that Deuteronomy as a whole is a fabrication, something akin to the infamous
Donation of Constantine, created to bolster the authority of King Josiah and his high priest Hilkiah's theocratic reforms, re-focusing the worship of Judah to the Temple Mount in Jerusalem and away from the high places. Deuteronomy, according to DH is little more than a cheap political lie—but, according to Christian advocates of DH, a cheap political lie inspired and approved by God.
Even apart from stylistic assessments which merely serve to confirm the internal claim of the text, the overall character of the book is not conducive to the DH claim as Gordan Wendham, currently lecturing at Trinity College, Bristol argues in his brief article,
The Date of Deuteronomy the Linch-pin of Old Testament Criticism. Here is a key portion:
The chief argument for supposing that Deuteronomy was written in the seventh century is its repeated insistence that worship should be limited to 'the place which the LORD will choose'. This is generally taken as a code word for Jerusalem, so we should regard Deuteronomy either as the programme for or a justification of Josiah's centralization measures. This reading of Deuteronomy is, it is held, confirmed by 2 Kings 22 which mentions that a law book was discovered in the course of the reform.
Now there are several objections to this equation of Deuteronomy with the Josianic reform programme. The first oddity is that the book never specifies where 'the place' is. It is generally explained as reflecting the writer's unwillingness to put obvious anachronisms into the mouth of Moses. But if pseudonymous writing was as acceptable as liberals usually allege, why such coyness? If Moses was the greatest of the prophets, as Deuteronomy certainly claims (18:15-22; 34:10-12), why should he not have predicted that Jerusalem would be the chosen city? It would certainly have added credibility to Josiah's reformation. If an unnamed prophet of Bethel could be credited with predicting three centuries beforehand that King Josiah would carry out his reforms (1 Ki. 13:2), why should not the much better known Moses have been allowed to name Jerusalem?
Secondly, the usual critical contention that Deuteronomy limits all worship to Jerusalem is demonstrably false. Nowhere does the book specify what place is meant by 'the place which the LORD your God will choose'. It is just a guess that Jerusalem is intended. But Deuteronomy does specify by name one place where an altar is to be built and sacrifices offered. Read Deuteronomy 27:4-8. There you will see that sacrifices must be offered on Mount Ebal, a hill near Shechem, approximately forty miles north of Jerusalem. At least Shechem was an important shrine in the days of Joshua (Jos. 8:30-35; 24) and also in the tenth century in the days of Rehoboam (1 Kings 12). Then it faded out as a significant centre until it became the capital of the Samaritans in postexilic times.
It must be admitted that it is totally incongruous for a book which is supposed to be vitally concerned with limiting all worship to Jerusalem to state that Moses ordered sacrifice to be offered at Mount Ebal, at what Josiah would have called a high place. In the light of chapter 27 it seems impossible to regard the present book of Deuteronomy as either the programme for or as a tract justifying centralization of worship. Chapter 27 would surely have been omitted if that were the book's purpose. For this reason it seems very difficult to believe that Deuteronomy was written in the seventh century BC in Jerusalem.
Rather surprisingly, few critical scholars pay much attention to the problems posed by chapter 27 for the usual dating of Deuteronomy. There seems to be a blind spot here with many: they have been so conditioned to believe that Deuteronomy wants to limit all worship to Jerusalem that they overlook what chapter 27 is saying...
He goes on to point out some historical difficulties with late dating Deuteronomy to Josiah's Reform:
...It is often supposed that the ideology of Deuteronomy supports the case for a seventh-century date. The warnings of judgment and the threats of exile match the situation Judah faced with the Assyrian and Babylonian attacks on Jerusalem. The relevance of Deuteronomy to this situation is undoubted, witness the use Jeremiah and Ezekiel make of deuteronomic ideas, but whether this proves Deuteronomy was specially written for this period is another matter. As Peter Craigie argued in his commentary,30 the themes that are most prominent in Deuteronomy, the promises to the patriarchs, the covenant, the kingship of God, holy war and the conquest of the land are exactly those found in what is often regarded as the earliest poem in the Old Testament, the Song of the Sea in Exodus 15. This poem is unquestionably early, as its grammatical forms show, and was presumably composed soon after the crossing of the Red Sea which it celebrates. The coincidences between Exodus 15 and Deuteronomy are striking, but owing to our limited knowledge of the development of religious ideas in Israel, we cannot appeal to the parallels as proof that Deuteronomy must be early. However at least they show that there is no theological incongruity in positing an early date for Deuteronomy.
Marriage laws
Similarly the civil law of Deuteronomy fits the second millennium as well if not better than the first millennium. The demand for multiple witnesses for conviction is a recognized principle of old Babylonian laws. The double inheritance of the first-born and the practice of Levirate marriage are attested in Middle Assyrian Law. Though the extra-biblical parallels cited come from the second millennium, it seems likely that similar legal principles continued to operate later.
However the large group of laws on sex and marriage in Deuteronomy 22 do seem closer to second-millennium legal requirements than to what we know of Jewish practice in the late fifth century BC.32 This is strange if Deuteronomy were only written a century or two earlier. Deuteronomic definitions of and punishments for adultery find close parallels in old Babylonian and Hittite laws (1750/1500 BC). The arrangements about bride money also fit early practice well. But in the Jewish colony of Elephantine divorce rather than death was the penalty for adultery, and the bridal payments were lower. It must be admitted that this evidence does not constitute conclusive proof of the second-millennium origin of the deuteronomic laws. We are not exactly comparing like with like when comparing official collections of law like Hammurapi's or Deuteronomy with private legal documents like those found at Elephantine. Nevertheless it does suggest that the legal parts of Deuteronomy could also have originated early: they do not require a seventh-century date, indeed they are difficult to square with it...more
There is then, no reason to reject the internal witness of Deuteronomy and no reason to search beyond the differences in genre to explain the stylistic differences between Leviticus the law book and Deuteronomy the homily.
Or take the P sections of Genesis and compare them with the J parts. An obvious example is to compare the two creation accounts. Although there may be many ways to describe how the style of the first one (P) differs from the style of the second (J), anyone can see that the two accounts are radically different in literary style. The Priestly account in Gen. 1:1-2:4a is formal, elegant, highly repetitious and tightly structured with recurring formulas: “Let there be X and there was X.” “And there was evening and there was morning, the Yth day” “And God/Elohim saw that it was good,” etc. The style is majestic, the perspective is cosmic, and the way God creates everything strongly stresses his utter transcendence of his creation. He merely speaks, and instantly it is done. It portrays an awesome God, but one who might seem rather remote and distant and perhaps rather unapproachable all by itself. “OTOH, the second (J) account is as different as it can be. The Yahwist’s Creator is much more human-like, and the whole story is less liturgical and more folkloric. This time, God stoops down and forms a man out of the wet mud, and then gives him CPR and breathes into him the breath of life. This is definitely a “hands-on,” personal kind of God. He walks and talks with Adam and Eve in the Garden.” “And stylistically, one of the most charateristic features is that J delights in puns. Thus the word for Man (’adam) and earth/ground (Hebrew, ‘adamah) are clearly paired for effect. And this is typical of J, who relishes puns greatly. Whereas P would never stoop to such a primitive thing.”
There is no reason to object too strongly to Moses' polemic use of two distinct pagan sources as the background for Genesis 1 and 2 (although there is no necessary reason to demand it either)...a sort of divinely inspired re-writing and coopting of pagan creation stories that were themselves no more than corrupted folk histories, perhaps warped shadows of remembered oral history from the dawn of human existence, memories of the real of Adam and Eve. Such a co-opting does not necessarily de-historicise Adam and Eve or the Garden fall, it simply sets these things within the husk of well known creation stories at the time. Pagan creation myths preceded Moses and would have been well known to him. There is no reason to reject or deny that Moses was the inspired author of the polemic “correction” of these stories (perhaps in accordance with a direct divine revelation to him on Sinai) in such a way that God is revealed as Creator and sovereign, who creates all things, and the historical disobedience of Adam and Eve is made known. The sources Moses may have used, then, serve as mere platforms for the true story of creation and the fall so that the true God is exalted.
But the stylistic differences alone do not by any means demand such a solution nor do they by any means demand two distinct authors. This is certainly Bruce Waltke's (Professor Emeritus of Old Testament Studies at Reformed Theological Seminary)
view (PDF):
Moses' revelation of God, given through the Holy Spirit's inspiration, conflicted diametrically with the concepts of the gods and goddesses found in the nations all around him. Moses differed with the pagan religions precisely in the conceptualization of the relationship of God to the creation. To all other peoples of the ancient Near East, creation was the work of gods and goddesses. The forces of nature, personalized as gods and goddesses, were mutually interrelated and often locked in conflict. Moreover, their myths about the role of these gods and goddesses in creation were at the very heart of their religious celebrations. These stories about Ninurta and Asag, Marduk and Tiamat, Baal and Yamm, did not serve to entertain the people, nor did they serve merely to explain how the creation originated. The adherents of these myths believed that by myth (word) and by ritual (act) they could reenact these myths in order to sustain the creation. Life, order, and society, depended on the faithful celebration of the ritual connected with the myth. For example, concerning the Enuma elish, Sarna wrote:
Recorded in seven tablets, it was solemnly recited and dramatically presented in the course of the festivities marking the Spring New Year, the focal point of the Babylonian religious calendar. It was, in effect, the myth that sustained Babylonian civilization, that buttressed its societal norms and its organizational structure.
But the revelation of God in Scripture is diametrically opposed to these degraded notions about God. If, then, the essential difference between the Mosaic faith and the pagan faith differed precisely in their conceptualization of the relationship of God to the creation, is it conceivable that Moses should have left the new nation under God without an accurate account of the origin of the creation?
To this writer such a notion is incredible. Anderson touched on the source critic's problem when he noted: "Considering the impressive evidences of the importance of the creation-faith in pagan religion during the second millennium B.C., it is curious that in Israel's faith during its formative and creative period (1300-1000 B.C.), the belief in Yahweh as Creator apparently had a second place."His choice of the word curious for this tension is curious. The dilemma for the critic is intolerable. The only satisfying solution is to grant Mosaic authorship to the narrative of Genesis 1. Once that is clear, the theological function of the chapter is also clear. Moses, the founder of the new nation, intended this introductory chapter to have both a negative and a positive function. Negatively, it serves as a polemic against the myths of Israel's environment; positively, it teaches man about the nature of God.
There is no need to resort to JEDP to explain the stylistic and terminological distinctions between the two Genesis creation accounts. The first account reveals God the mighty creator exercising dominion and power over all things. The second account, as David points out, is indeed very personal. God is an amazing God who revealed himself to our first ancestors in the garden in intimate ways. Moses' own personal knowledge of God's character and his access to and inspired polemical co-opting of extant sources provides a simple and ready explanation for the data found in Genesis 1 and 2.
David continues:
FWIW, perhaps too much shouldn’t be made of this, but it’s highly apt anyway that when the P account starts, it says that God/Elohim made “the heavens and the earth” (i.e., moving from the grand cosmic picture down to earth), whereas the J version does the opposite, and speaks of how YHWH (not Elohim) formed “the earth and the heavens.” The latter story is very earth-centered indeed, and there is none of the focus on ritual and a highly ordered universe as in P, where the seven days of creation lead up to the climatic creation of the Sabbath (a major priestly interest, of course).
Yes, Moses, who knows the Name of the Lord, his character and nature, skillfully weaves these two stories together to reveal God as both transcendent and immanent in relationship to his creation. In previous threads, for some odd reason, David has asserted that these two notions, divine transcendence and divine immanence could not possibly be embraced by one ancient author.
Enough. Again, this is only a sample of patterns that we find consistently throughout the Pentateuch. P is interested, even obsessed with exact dates, numbers, precise measurements, and so on in a way that none of the other three sources are. D is openly and directly sermonic and hortatory in a way the other three aren’t. And J and E delight in puns and folkloristic etymologies in a way that P avoids like the plague and that D indulges in sparingly.But the real point is that the patterned differences in literary style MATCH UP with the consistent differences in terminology throughout the Pentateuch.
And, as we saw in my first response, where the patterns do not match up documentarians simply gerrymander the boundaries between the documents to force the errant texts into their a priori imposed source categories.
The consistency between style, terminology, theological content, and purpose, where these elements do match up may be, again, more readily explained by the use of different genres for different purposes at different times and in the context of different circumstances in way that is consistent with the scripture's own internal witness and does not require the whole-cloth creation of rival communities and “source” documents for which there are no compelling evidences.